Among the signers of that declaration were our present Vice President,
Secretary of Defense and Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz. The group
is proud to claim parentage of the administration's Iraq strategy. Its views
are reflected in the White House position that there is "a single sustainable
model for national success: freedom, democracy and free enterprise... These
values of freedom are right and true for every person, in every society ...
and the duty of protecting these values against their enemies is the common
calling of freedom-loving persons across the globe and across the ages2."
Condoleezza Rice called this our "moral mission," and it was cited as an
argument for invading Iraq.
The Project believes that "a cheap energy policy will lead to sustained,
rapid, long-term economic and employment growth3." The Bush
administration agrees. Under Secretary of State Alan Larsen in April 2003 told
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the United States must have access
to energy "on terms and conditions that support (our) economic growth and
prosperity", and that we require "improved investment opportunities" in the
energy producing regions of the world.4 It would, as the saying
goes, be nice if you can do it, but Mr. Larson has his work cut out for him,
as I will demonstrate later.
The neo-conservatives have belatedly learned that petroleum is indeed finite,
and that we are running out of it. The Iraq invasion bears all the marks of a
deliberate, and failed, policy to take political control of a country in the
middle of the oil patch so as to assure our future oil supplies. If free trade
and investment are a mask for taking control of the resources we want, it will
encounter mounting resistance from others, such as the recent riots in Bolivia
that forced the government to back out of a contract to sell gas to the United
States.
Even Canada may begin to wonder whether, in a world increasingly desperate for
fresh water, the U.S. may eventually demand a share of Canadian water
resources — despite the Canadian policy prohibiting the bulk export of water.
The assertion that we must assure our access to others' resources runs in
uneasy harness with the belief in growth. President Bush (like other
Presidents before him) has called for faster economic growth. In a bid for the
Hispanic vote (perhaps a misdirected bid), he has proposed a program to
legalize illegal immigrants and to allow businesses to import more labor when
they claim to need it, both of which will dramatically accelerate U.S.
population growth — and our appetite for resources. And the Democrats are
trying to outbid him.
Taken together, the assertion of our moral rectitude, our right to impose our
values on the world, the desirability of continuing growth, and our right to
support that growth with access to others' resources constitutes a sweeping
assertion of our rights and power that seems a bit ambitious for a country
with annual budgetary and foreign trade deficits of about $500 billion.
Foreigners are financing that trade deficit — more than $1 billion a day — and
buying out our businesses, while U.S. capital investments abroad decline
dramatically. But there are bigger problems than that.
In this paper, I will argue that the coming century is more likely to be a
debacle than an American hegemony unless we curb our spendthrift ways, stop
and reverse U.S. population growth and help others to control theirs.
Growthmania: The Durable Bubble
Before the 1300s, the idea of unlimited growth hardly figured in human
thinking. Then came the Renaissance, which led to the Age of Exploration to
the new world and new wealth. It started the agricultural and industrial
revolutions and set in motion a worldwide scientific enterprise that is still
accelerating. It began a period of enrichment and growth without parallel in
human history.
The period has lasted, with minor interruptions, for six centuries. That
success led gradually to a widespread conviction that growth is the natural
and desirable order of things, and forever benign. Enter the Romantic Era and
its sense of limitless horizons, and the "Age of Exuberance" (to borrow
William Catton's term). Western civilization is still in that mode and is
teaching it to the East and South.
It is a formidable belief system, but its proponents have forgotten that its
origins were not in population growth, but in the Black Death, the most
widespread and severe population collapse in human history. Brutally, it
readjusted the ratio of people to land. The surviving peasants found
themselves with more farmland and more wealth. New wealth flowed into the
depopulated cities. The institutional constraints of Feudalism were swept away
and replaced by the system now identified with capitalism5. The
subsequent Age of Exploration further improved the ratio of land to people by
opening access to the new world, which has more than quadrupled the arable
land available to Europeans6.
The Growth Machine
One legal innovation, the limited liability corporation, was fundamental in
promoting and shaping the age of growth. It changed the calculus of risk. If
you succeed, unimaginable wealth. If you fail, you lose only the money you had
put in the company. It was an immense inducement to risk-taking, an
astonishing engine of growth, and the vehicle for the rise of capitalism.
Capitalism is uniquely the system for the entrepreneur, the risk taker, the
business adventurer. It serves the successful. So do its theoreticians.
Conventional current economics is grounded in the expectation of endless
growth. Economic growth, for more profits. Population growth for more markets
and cheap labor. (Not economic growth per capita, which would be more
reasonable.) The economists' other myths and simplifications – economic man,
infinite substitutability, comparative advantage, free trade and investment –
all justify the freedom of action of the corporation.
The "economic man" hypothesis assumes that people displaced by change will
find other and probably better employment. The overwhelming current evidence
is to the contrary. "Infinite substitution" is regularly argued but never
proven. It justifies the faith that growth can go on forever. (Right now, with
an accelerating fresh water crisis, one may reasonably ask: what is your
proposed substitute for water?)
Free trade is said to maximize efficiency through comparative advantage. It
also widens the playing field for the TNC (trans national corporation), as
does the prospect of unfettered investment and movement of capital.
The Austrian-American economist Joseph Schumpeter recognized that there is
much suffering as old arrangements are swept aside, but he characterized it
ingeniously as "creative destruction" – the old must be swept away to make
room for the new and efficient. It is devil take the hindmost, unless it is
controlled by social restraints, which themselves may be blocked by the
financial and political power of capital.
Politicians respond to the siren song, and so do investors. Even now, as the
world and the country try to shake off a recession, investors do not ask "were
we on the wrong course" but rather "is the slump over? Can we start coining
money again?"
The Mighty Engine With No Brakes
In the 20th century, modern medicine and public health programs lowered
mortality in the poorer countries, and modern agriculture fed the rising
numbers, but too little was done, too late, to lower fertility. That created a
fundamental demographic imbalance. The resulting population growth has dwarfed
all previous human experience. World population quadrupled in one century, a
change so astonishing that it has altered — or should have altered — our
assumptions as to the human connection with the rest of the planet. Are we
plunging toward a collapse because of that very success? Philosophers since
John Stewart Mill have warned against the illusion of perpetual growth.
Endlessly growing numbers cannot enjoy endlessly growing consumption. There is
a mathematical platitude that post-Keynesian economists ignore: material
growth at some point becomes a logical impossibility on a finite planet. When?
John Maynard Keynes is something of a demigod to conventional modern
economists. When the machine stopped in the Great Depression, Keynes offered a
way to start it again. However, Keynes was not as wedded to growthmania as his
followers. He raised serious questions: Can growth go on indefinitely? Would
it be desirable7? Is market capitalism — motivated by greed — a
sound moral basis for society8? Those doubts were swept aside in
the rush to profit.
Herman Daly, considered a renegade by conventional macroeconomists, makes a
point his colleagues ignore: the economy is a subset of the environment; it is
not independent. The Earth is not simply a source of resources and a sink for
the waste products – the principal products – of economic activity. It is the
matrix that sustains life, including human life, and we must ask whether human
economic activity is degrading that matrix.
Two hundred years ago, Thomas Malthus worried (perhaps prematurely) about how
many people the Earth could support, but he did not ask the next question:
what will increasing human numbers do to the Earth? George Perkins Marsh in
1864 was the first to systematically address that question9.
Science has been describing the impacts ever since. In 1992, the Presidents of
the U.S. National Academy of Sciences and the British Royal Society adopted a
joint statement (later adopted by the world's major national scientific
societies) that "If current predictions of population growth prove accurate
and patterns of human activity on the planet remain unchanged, science and
technology may not be able to prevent either irreversible degradation of the
environment or continued poverty for much of the world."10 If
expanding populations and growing consumption impose unbearable strains on the
ecosystems that support us, we must learn to identify the turning point and
ask, what population is sustainable?
Population growth is not necessary for wellbeing. Japan and Europe, with
stable or declining populations, show a vitality that belies the common
wisdom. A Brookings Institution study examined cities' growth and prosperity
in depth. It concluded that "we have punctured one important piece of
conventional wisdom: the idea that achieving income growth in a metropolitan
area requires population growth.11" Various other studies have
shown that the residents in stable cities are likely to be better off than
those in rapidly growing ones, both by economic measures and quality of life
indicators. Pittsburgh, PA, long the epitome of the "rust belt", ranks at or
near the top on both scales, despite two generations of population decline —
and despite its wretched weather. And taxes tend to rise with urban growth.
The literature challenging growthmania has itself been growing, documenting
the charge that the benefits of growth have gone to the entrepreneurs rather
than to the mass of working people, and that the growth of the human economic
enterprise has run down the natural capital of the Earth — which does not
appear in GNP statistics12.
Mainstream economics has ignored that literature. In the pursuit of growth, it
has brushed aside every doubt.
The enthusiasm for population growth is hardly universal. President Nixon
asked whether it was a good thing. He persuaded Congress to create the
Commission on Population Growth and the American Future (the "Rockefeller
Commission") which concluded that it could see no advantage in further growth
of the American population. Unfortunately, President Nixon shelved it for
political reasons (and so have all subsequent Presidents). That was 32 years
ago. We have added 86 million people since then.
Polls suggest that the American public is not enamored of further population
growth, but there is a virtual political taboo. Almost nobody mentions the
demographic consequences when politicians discuss policies such as increasing
immigration that generate population growth, because the pro-growth argument
is endorsed by the powerful.
Nevertheless, growth must stop. The question is, when and where will it stop?
The Measurement
Of Optimum Population
NPG examined the concept of optimum population fifteen years ago, in a series
of FORUM papers. Populations, U.S. and worldwide, have grown substantially
since then, as has the addiction to growth among our political leaders.
Perhaps it is time to revisit the concept in the light of developments in
recent years.
The effort to define "optimum population" challenges the prevailing economic
and political wisdom that growth is by definition a good thing. So be it. The
challenge itself is at least as important as the number that we may eventually
assign to optimum population.
Maximum population is simply an estimate of how many people can be supported
at a given time. Sustainable population is the population that can be
supported, indefinitely, without degrading the ability of the ecosystem to
support it. Optimum population extends that idea; it undertakes to describe a
population level that could live a comfortable life within those resource and
environmental constraints. It is the antithesis of current economic goals, but
it should be congenial with the economic aspirations of all but the greedy.
And it is a vision of a future without the threat of collapse.
Putting numbers on optimum population is a mix of science, value judgements
and outright guessing. How do we decide whether further population growth is
bad and what numbers would serve humanity better? I will briefly identify a
few such yardsticks below13.
Food. World food production kept ahead of population growth in the
1960s and 1970s, stayed just ahead in the 1980s, and fell behind in the 1990s.
Grain production has been stagnant since the mid-1990s, and even that may not
be sustainable. Our hope for higher yields now rests mostly on genetic
modification (GM), itself a dangerous project.
The other sources of rising yields are beginning to fail. Chemical fertilizers
produce less and less additional food as yields rise. Eventually the added
fertilizer does not pay for itself. The developed world has passed that point,
and China is approaching it.
Modern agriculture depends on petroleum and gas to run its heavy machines and
provide feedstock for fertilizer plants, and we are approaching an era when
both fuels will be in short supply.
Arable acreage is declining and topsoils are eroding. As a result of
population growth and urban sprawl, arable land per capita has declined since
1970 by one-third, to 0.16 hectares, in the less developed countries. It has
declined by one-fifth, to 0.2 hectares, in Europe, and by one-third, to 0.63
hectares in the United States. In only thirty years.
That acreage figure for the United States points to a subsidiary lesson. We
still have more room than most countries. But our rapid growth narrows the
advantage. We supply one-third of the grain that enters international trade,
but if yields and our consumption habits stay as they are, we will need that
grain ourselves in one generation (assuming the Census high projection) or two
(assuming the middle projection). It will take a remarkable increase in grain
yields, plus a dramatic dietary shift away from meat, to feed our own growing
population through this century, to say nothing of exporting grain. And such
increases in yields seem most unlikely in the face of the constraints I
described earlier.
The chemical industry will compete for more and more land as it turns to
cellulose to replace hydrocarbons as feedstock, and as crops are engineered
through GM to produce pharmaceuticals and other chemicals.
Irrigated land now produces 40 percent of the world's crops, but salinization
is lowering yields in perhaps one-third of world irrigated cropland.
Irrigation uses about 70 percent of human fresh water consumption, but we are
running out of water. Rivers are going dry and water tables are declining in
China, India, Pakistan, the Middle East, Mexico and the American West. Even
moister regions are feeling the pinch. Freshwater data are notoriously
inexact, but a United Nations study in 2003 found that global per capita water
supplies declined by one-third between 1970 and 1990 and are likely to decline
by another one-third in the next 20 years, and very little is being done about
it.
Climate change threatens food production (see below).
The world has run through the windfalls provided successively by the Black
Death and the opening of the new world. Much smaller populations, with more
land per capita, would provide a cushion against the threats to food
production.
Modern agriculture is itself destructive. The world now uses about six times
as much commercial fertilizer as it did in 1950, and 25 times as much chemical
pesticide. Human activities put nitrogen compounds, potassium, phosphates, and
sulfates into the environment faster than natural processes produce them, and
we are just beginning to understand the consequences. Monocultures and
high-yielding "green revolution" crops demand more water and more pesticides.
New pesticides are introduced as pests develop resistance to the old ones. It
is a squirrel cage, and experts differ as to whether it has reduced the
proportion of the crops that are lost to pests.
World food production could be sustained at roughly half its present level
with a judicious combination of organic manures and chemical fertilizers.
(Before the reliance on commercial fertilizer, U.S. corn yields were about 40
percent of current yields.) We would need to change our ways and utilize more
natural manures from livestock and, indeed, from humans, but that in itself
would solve some serious pollution problems. Very roughly, half the production
would support half the present population, and it would be much less damaging
agriculture.
Health. The proliferation of chemicals is not just an agricultural
problem. There are four times as many chemicals in the world chemicals
registry as there were in 1980. We all carry hundreds of those new chemicals
in our bodies. Some of them are known sources of cancer, endocrine disruption,
immune system suppression, falling sperm counts and infertility, and learning
disabilities in children. And most of them have not been tested for their
impact on health or the environment.
The urban population in the less developed world (LDCs) was 300 million in
1950. By 2000, it had reached two billion, propelled largely by desperate
peasants moving to cities to stay alive. Water supplies, sewage services and
electric supplies have lagged far behind, and it is remarkable that the
crowded slums have not generated more epidemics than they have. With the
public health measures that kicked off the population explosion now in
disarray, rising mortality may forestall the United Nations' (UN) projection
that LDCs' urban population will reach four billion by 2030.
The growth of cities and growing water shortages mean that city residents in
the less developed countries re-use sewage, with disastrous health effects.
Even in the industrial world, sewage plants filter out the solid wastes and
kill the microbes but usually leave the nitrogen in the water; and we have not
started to try to filter out the many drugs that people take and then pass on
to others. They can be detected even in rivers below the sewage outfalls.
It would be a happier world with fewer chemicals and better water.
The Microbial World. This chemical assault affects other animals. It
may be endangering the microbes that we depend upon but cannot see. For one
example: earth microbes have so far converted nitrogen fertilizers back into
inert molecular nitrogen fast enough to keep us from swamping the Earth in
nitrogen compounds, yet we don't know how much of a chemical load the microbes
can tolerate.
Human population growth drives chemical production both by keeping up the
pressure for more food production and by increasing the demand for
nonagricultural chemicals. A much smaller population would lead to a reduction
in the introduction of chemicals into an environment which we are changing but
do not really understand.
Fisheries. Worldwide marine fish production rose from 20 to over 70
million tons from 1950 to the late 1980s, but has stuck there. Then came a
soaring growth in aquaculture, which pollutes the water, competes with
livestock for feed, and concentrates the harmful chemicals we are putting into
the environment. (The Environmental Protection Agency recommends eating one
serving or less of farmed salmon per month.)
It would be a better world if human demand for fish and the pollution we put
into the ocean were both closer to the 1950 level.
The Energy Transition. Fossil energy is a profound disturbance to the
ecosystem. It moves carbon — and sulphur, arsenic, mercury, chromium, lead,
selenium, and boron — from the lithosphere into the biosphere and the
atmosphere, at a rate and scale greater than all natural processes. We worry
about the threat of terrorism to petroleum supplies, but the supply will
decline, anyway. That will be an environmental boon but an economic disaster
unless we have prepared for it.
Estimates of the world's remaining petroleum resources range around two
trillion barrels14. World consumption is presently about 28 billion
barrels a year. Dividing the estimated resources by current annual
consumption, it is commonly (and erroneously) said that about 70 to 80 years'
supply remains, but consumption is rising fast, as China and India
industrialize15. Not a very long future.
United States crude oil and natural gas production peaked over thirty years
ago. The country now produces 40 percent less crude oil and 13 percent less
gas than it did then. U.S. petroleum imports account for 62% of our
consumption now, and the proportion is rising16. With less than 5
percent of the world's population, we consume 26 percent of world petroleum
production. The share is going down as others, including the rising giants
China and India, compete for a larger share17. China is moving into
a stronger bidding position than ours, because it is not saddled with massive
trade deficits. Under Secretary Larsen's vision of the United States moving in
to exploit others' petroleum resources may be an anachronism.
Those who expect continuing growth in petroleum consumption ignore petroleum
geologists' warnings that world production will begin to decline, probably in
less than twenty years. Extracting the remaining petroleum will become more
costly, competition for petroleum will intensify, and prices will rise
sharply. Gas will follow petroleum. Not a happy prospect for a nation that is
already by far the biggest importer and wants to import more.
Repeated military interventions to secure oil will become less and less
effective, because of mounting resistance abroad and rising discontent in this
country over the financial and moral burdens and the military appropriation of
civilian oil supplies. A vast and sophisticated military that has to fight
abroad for the oil it needs to operate is a costly and uncertain tool.
American politicians have regularly talked of "energy independence" even as we
have grown more and more dependent on foreign sources. (Who wants to be
dependent on the unstable Persian Gulf?) We won't get back to the good old
days in petroleum, even if we get population growth under control, but it
would help our adjustment to a new and leaner energy mix.
Coal is more abundant, and much of it is in the United States, but it is a
dirty fuel. Some of the pollution could be controlled at a high cost, but the
carbon dioxide, and its effect on climate, is a particular problem.
Growth apologists look for panaceas. They suggest oil sands and shales, but
processing them is environmentally destructive and may demand more energy than
they would yield. Ocean methane from the continental slopes is suggested, but
the environmental consequences could be frightening18. The activity
might release the methane without capturing it, thus further warming the
climate and triggering undersea mudslides and tsunamis.
Biomass is a very limited solution because its production competes for land
with rising human needs for food and wood.
Wind and photovoltaics can only supply electricity, while petroleum has been
used for everything from airplane fuel to chemical feedstock. For peaking
power, wind energy is nearly competitive right now, and much more benign than
fossil fuels. For reliable base power, however, wind and solar energy will be
much more expensive than fossil fuels are now, because of the problem of
storing the energy until it is needed.
The world is headed into an energy transition, probably toward a mix of coal,
nuclear and more benign renewable power. The rising costs and dislocations
will threaten the world's economies. A saner U.S. policy would stop the effort
to monopolize other countries' oil supplies and instead look toward reducing
our demand for petroleum and gas. We must phase out our current waste and,
more fundamentally, we must stop and reverse current population growth. A
smaller population would make the energy transition easier, but demographics
move slowly.
Climate Change. Fossil fuels generate climate change, which is
beginning to reduce crop yields, especially in the poorer countries. It is
already raising sea levels and generating more extreme weather: floods,
droughts, extreme hot or cold spells. The impacts are likely to worsen for
centuries. So far, the human race is doing very little about the problem it
has created.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 1995 estimated that it
would take an immediate reduction in carbon emissions to 30-50 percent of
present levels to hold the human impact on climate even at its present levels.
In the face of that calculation, the modest reductions proposed in the Kyoto
protocols are largely symbolic.
Population size must be addressed if we are to come close to the 30-50 percent
goal. With populations at 1950 levels, the world would have been within that
range even with present per capita emissions19. Whatever we can
gain in energy efficiency would be lagniappe.
Technology, the Headstrong Servant. Modern Americans expect technology
to solve our environmental problems, but it actually generated most of them.
It can be of help. When the United States Government passed the Clean Air Act
in 1972, technical fixes reduced some of the principal pollutants. Technology
has its limits, however, and overall air pollution has been rising again for
several years. Technology can be part of the solution, but not all of it.
Lower numbers and lower demand are central to reducing pollution.
In one respect, technology has betrayed the progrowth economists. They call
for economic growth to provide jobs for growing populations. But technology
has driven productivity up. Economic growth is not necessarily job-connected
any more, as we have been learning in recent years. Businesses can turn to
automation, instead. The solution for unemployment and low wages is fewer
workers competing for jobs. Proponents of more immigration, take note.
Social Equity and Human Numbers. China and India explicitly seek to
raise per capita income to the present average level in the industrial world,
and most poor nations would probably agree. The effort to get rich has created
horrendous pollution problems in China. If the poor countries are to get as
rich as they hope, without increasing gross world economic activity and
further damaging the world?s environment, world population would have to be
not much over one billion.
Non-linearities. My analysis so far has been linear, i.e. so much more
of a given input produces a comparable change in the impact. In fact, nature
is seldom linear. In the study of climate change, for example, scientists are
regularly identifying non-linearities — feedback loops that may intensify the
prospective problems — from alterations in ocean currents which could alter
weather worldwide and make Europe's climate like Labrador's, or the warming
effect of diminishing ice and snow fields, to the release of stored methane
from the ocean and carbon dioxide from Arctic tundra.
Prudence would suggest that we not press our present systems to the limit, so
that we may have space to maneuver if unexpected changes reduce the productive
capacity of our support systems.
Crowding and the Intangibles. I was told of a kid from the New York
City ghetto who was sent to a city-owned summer camp in the hills. The bus
arrived after dark, and when the kid stepped out, he looked up and said "What
are all them little white things up there?" He had never seen the stars. That,
I submit, is deprivation. It is getting worse as cities grow and the sky gets
murkier.
The kid was hardly unique. There are literally thousands of newspaper stories
about the strains of increasing crowding in the United States.20 In
some degree, they result from our insistence on a costly and inefficient life
style, but they are even more fundamentally the product of population growth.
We don't like to be crowded, nor do the people of more crowded lands who have
become resigned to it. The search for optimum population should include the
calculation: how much room do we like?
The Bottom Line
The United States' power and well-being rest on flimsier footings than the
Administration and the New American Century members seem to believe. Our
balance of payments deficit is chronic and worsening. If foreigners turn away
from the United States as the residual safe repository for their funds, it
will drive the dollar down, fast and far. That might encourage what exports we
have left, but it would generate massive cost-push inflation. Our budgetary
deficit contributes to such a scenario. The current decline of the dollar may
be a harbinger.
Those problems would be manageable, if the United States had the discipline
and the will. The issues of food, water, energy, health, climate and crowding
are more fundamental and can be addressed only if we abandon our fixation on
growth and address the demand side rather than denying it is a problem. Each
of those issues can be resolved only if we move toward a smaller population.
My fellow writers on optimum population would probably agree that for the
United States, optimum may be something like the numbers we passed around
1950: 150 million (half the present 293 million), give or take a half.
It is much harder to put a number on optimum world population, because an
outsider can hardly determine what consumption level might seem "comfortable"
for the billions of people who are presently at or close to the margin of
survival, and we cannot know what tradeoffs countries will choose between
prosperity and pollution. Perhaps the 1950 figure of about 2.5 billion (40
percent of the present 6.4 billion) would be an upper limit. I have pointed
out that, for everybody to achieve something like the average consumption
level of the industrial world without vastly increasing pollution, world
population would have to be in the vicinity of one billion.
The poor countries arrived too late to join the feast. Most of them have
little or no fossil fuel and no hope of enjoying a boom period based on the
rapid drawdown of a one-time energy source, such as the industrial world
enjoyed. Their arable land is over-used and deteriorating. They suffer the
most from water shortages and climate change. The problems of poverty and the
competition for resources are producing tensions and conflict, whether they
take the form of intensified migration to the West, or terrorism, or rogue
states or interminable local wars and insurrections. For them, a future with
far fewer people and more resources per capita would be a much happier future.
Again, I think of the unexpected results of the Black Plague, though I would
hope for a more benign process.
The less developed world has grown by two-thirds since 1950 — and they were
poor in 1950. The need for a fundamental shift in the ratio of resources to
people in the poor countries may itself justify an optimum world population
figure of one billion. Barring a catastrophe, it might take centuries to reach
such figures, even with a determined worldwide effort.
Europe and Japan are already on the way to lower populations and must face the
question, where should they stop? I'll come back to that.
Why Such Round
Numbers?
Those are hardly rigorous calculations. There are too many horseback
calculations and value judgements. What living standard is "comfortable"?
There will be unpredictable technological changes, and continuing
environmental degradation will almost certainly diminish the Earth's support
capability.
But then again, when do we know the exact consequences of any major decision?
They are all made on the basis of partial information, and they can be refined
only as we go along and learn more. Precision is not required here. If the
weight of evidence suggests that a population should be smaller than it is
now, the policy implications are similar, whether the gap is 100 million or
200 million. The important thing is to ask the question, in one context after
another, would this problem be more easily solved with a smaller population or
a larger one? I think the examples above provide the answer.
Why Try To Estimate Optimum Population?
We need to show that human numbers matter in order to illuminate the flaws in
growthmania. When I point out that a given policy will lead to more population
growth, a typical reaction is "so what"?. The present debates about
immigration, welfare and tax policies ignore their demographic impact and thus
dismiss the future.
Defining a desirable population level is one step toward a more stable and
less uncertain future. It sets the stage for the next necessary step: putting
policies in place that will move human numbers in the right direction.
Restoring A Flickering Vision
A vision flickered briefly in the 1960s and 1970s: it should be possible to
combine modern technology with population stability, and thereby create a
world in which all can live well. Modern productivity would replace the
arduous physical toil whereby the poor labored to support the rich. That
vision is being eroded because, in much of the world, economic growth is being
absorbed by population growth that eventually eats up the gains.
Salvation may come from an unexpected source: young women with jobs and their
own income and control over their decisions about child-bearing. They have
learned to practice family planning. In theory, that offers a way to regulate
the balance between people and resources humanely, rather than through the
grim operation of mortality as happened in the Black Death. In fact, women's
choices have been based mostly on personal considerations, not on social or
demographic grounds.
So far, in Europe, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore and among
non-Hispanic Whites in the United States, women have chosen to have far fewer
children than would be necessary to replace themselves. In none of them has
the fertility decline yet brought population down to optimum levels, but there
are dramatic population declines in prospect if fertility does not soon rise
to replacement levels. In many less developed countries, fertility is also
declining, but not so far. It is not happening in Africa or the Middle East.
The world is tending to divide into two different demographic regions. In one
of them, there is a real option of consciously managing population levels, but
a need to define optimum population as a social goal and to enlist young
women's participation in pursuing that goal. In the other, population growth
is on a path that will stop and turn around only through catastrophe, hunger
and rising mortality.
How Few Is Too Few?
For those countries poised at the edge of population decline, the question
arises: how far? Who will support the aged? Is free trade a serious
possibility when wealthy and aging countries' labor faces the competition from
overpopulated poor countries, working for a fraction as much money? What does
women's independence bode for the traditional conjugal family? (More than half
of Swedish children are now born out of wedlock, and other European countries
are not far behind.)
There are answers to those questions, but the more fundamental question is one
of numbers. Italy's population will be eight million and still declining in
2100 if present fertility levels persist. If fertility should come back to
replacement level by 2020 — 70 percent above present fertility — population
would stabilize at 25 million, about 43 percent of the present level.
Environmentally, it might be a good level. Practically, there are problems.
Will Italian women fit their child-bearing to social needs? If not, how much
immigration can Italy sustain? Genetically, Italians would progressively
disappear, to be supplanted by the descendants of the immigrants. In the
absence of action on fertility and migration, Italy could simply be
overwhelmed by illegal migration from desperate countries to the south.
Population writers have yet to address the question, what is a desirable lower
limit to optimum? Certainly, one cardinal rule is that fertility must at some
point come back up to replacement level.
The Immediate Task
The more pressing task is to define and popularize the idea of an upper limit,
and to act on it. For the United States, that would mean limiting immigration
and persuading mothers to stop at two children, at least until growth turns
around. We should return to the policies — largely abandoned during the Reagan
administration and this one — of helping the poor countries to stop growth,
which most of them want to do. They would be better off, and so would we, if
they were not made desperate by growing idle and hungry populations.
Most poor countries know they are already too big, though none have adopted a
target for optimum population. The United States is unique. Facing
undiminished population growth driven mostly by immigration, we do not
recognize the problem. We need to help the poor countries to accomplish their
demographic revolution — and to apply the lesson to the United States21.
Notes
1. www.newamericancentury.com
2. "National Security Strategy of the U.S.A.", transmitted by President Bush
to Congress on 9-18-2002.
3. Lewis E. Lehrman, Co-Chairman of PNAC, "Energetic America", in the
Weekly Standard, September 23, 2003. See PNAC website Note 1.
4. Environmental News Service, 4-8-2003; full text at www.state.gov.
5. David Herlihy, The Black Death and the Transformation of the West
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997.)
6. Data from U.S. Department of Agriculture, World Agriculture,
Statistical Bulletin 861, November 1993. In the "new world", I include the
Western hemisphere, Australia and New Zealand. "Europe" excludes Russia.
7. "A great transition in human history will have begun when civilized man
endeavors to assume conscious control (of population growth) in his own hands,
away from the blind instinct of mere predominant survival." J.M. Keynes,
Preface to Harold Wright, Population (London: Harcourt Brace, 1923.)
8. Keynes' famous statement that "Avarice and usury and precaution must be our
gods a little longer still." is quoted in E.F. Schumacher, Small is
Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered (London: Blond and Briggs,
1973, reprints by Harper & Row, New York, 1975 to 1989; p.24.)
9. George Perkins, Marsh, Man and Nature, Or, Physical Geography as
Modified by Human Action (originally published 1864. Reprinted Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1965.)
10. Joint Statement by the Presidents of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences
and the British Royal Society, released February 26, 1992, by the National
Research Council, Washington.
11. Paul D. Gottlieb, "Growth Without Growth: An Alternative Economic
Development Goal for Metropolitan Areas" (Washington: Brookings Institution
Discussion Paper, February 2002, p.25).
12. Most famous is E.F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful (op cit). The
evidence that the working classes have enjoyed little or, in some periods,
none of the benefits of growth has been assembled by Richard Douthwaite in The
Growth Illusion (Tulsa, OK: Council Oak Books, 1993; originally published in
Great Britain by Green Books, 1992.)
13. For citations and a much fuller exploration of these limits, see Lindsey
Grant et al, Elephants in the Volkswagen (New York: W.H. Freeman,
1992), Lindsey Grant, Juggernaut: Growth on a Finite Planet (Santa Ana:
Seven Locks Press, 1996), Too Many People: The Case for Reversing Growth
(Seven Locks Press, 2000) and "Diverging Demography, Converging Destinies"
(Alexandria, VA: Negative Population Growth, Inc. FORUM series January 2003;
also at www.npg.org.)
14. The U.S. Geological Survey estimates remaining world resources at 2269
billion barrels. (USGS, Digital Data Series DDS-60.) It is one of the more
optimistic projections.
15. The EIA, in its International Energy Outlook 2003, projects world
oil demand to rise by 41 million barrels per day — 53 percent — by 2025, and
15 million barrels of that growth will be in developing Asia.
16. U.S. Statistical Abstract 2001, Table 877.
17. U.S. Department of Energy, Energy Information Administration (EIA),
"Monthly Energy Review, March 2004", Table 11.2.
18. Walter L. Youngquist, GeoDestinies (Eugene, OR: National Book Company,
1997, Chapter 13). Richard A. Kerr, "Gas Hydrate Resource: Smaller But
Sooner", Science, Vol. 303, 2-14-04, pp.246-247.)
19. With the lower populations of 1950, total U.S. emissions would be 54
percent of the present 1.57 billion metric tons. Emissions by the rest of the
industrial world would be 73 percent of 2.34 billion tons. Developing country
emissions would be 35 percent of 2.53 billion tons. Totaled, world emissions
from fossil energy would be 53 percent of the present 6.44 billion tons. (Data
from U.N. Population Division and U.S. Department of Energy, Energy
Information Agency, International Energy Annual, 2000.) Moreover, lower
populations would mean less destruction of tropical forests, which presently
add roughly 20 percent to world greenhouse gas emissions.
20. I treat this phenomenon at length in "It's the Numbers, Stupid!", NPG
FORUM September 2003. See www.npg.org.
21. The discussion of optimum population in this paper expands on an article
titled "Optimum Population: How Many Is Too Many?" scheduled for publication
in the August-September 2004 issue of FREE INQUIRY, the Journal of the Council
for Secular Humanism.
[MFS note: works of several of the
cited authors are available on the "Sustainability Authors" page here.]
_____
Used with permission of Negative Population Growth.
c 2004 by Lindsey Grant.
See original at < http://www.npg.org/forum_series/newamericancentury.html >.